Historical Writing and the Formation of the Qing Empire's Political Influence: Based on the 滿洲源流考 Manzhou yuanliu kao
Pages 169 - 179
How did ethnic Manchus who were only conversant in Chinese learn the Manchu language in Beijing during the Qing dynasty? Did they develop special ways in learning their ancestral language? Newly discovered documents shed light on this aspect of Qing history, which will be introduced in this paper.
1 I would like to thank Pamela Crossley, Michael Walt Praag, Lars Laamann, Susan Naquin, Nicola Di Cosmo, Peter Perdue, Jiang Yonglin (姜永琳) and Shen Weirong (沈衛榮) for their conscientious help with this paper, and especially for the IAS roundtable support.
2 In August 2002, the workshop of “What kind of new historiography does China need? Commemorating the 100th anniversary of Liang Qichao's New Historiography” was held by the Qing History Institute of the People's University of China, with its focus on New Historiography's contribution to China's modern historiography and its present significance. See NIU Guanjie (牛贯杰), “Zhongguo xuyao shenmoyangde xinshixue: jinian Liang Qichao ‘xinshixue’ fabiao yibaizhounian” huiyi jiyao “中國需要什麼樣的新史學——紀念梁啟超 《新史學》發表100週年” 會議紀要 (Summary of “What kind of new historiography does China need? Commemorating the 100th anniversary of Liang Qichao's New Historiography”), Jindai Zhongguoshi yanjiutongxun 近代中國史研究通訊 (Newsletter for Modern Chinese History, Academia Sinica), 2003, pp. 26–39.
3 Liang Qichao 梁啟超, “Xin Shi Xue 新史學” (“New Historiography”), Xinmin Congbao 新民叢報 (“Lunshuo” “論說”), p. 6.
4 Huang Kewu (黄克武), “Bainian yihou dangsi wo: Liang Qichao shixuesixiangde zaifanxing 百年以後當思我：梁啟超史學思想的再反省” (“Rethinking and Reflection on Liang Qichao's Ideals of History”), in Yang Nianqun (楊念群), Huang Xingtao (黃興濤) and Mao Dan (毛丹) (eds.), Xinshixue – duoxueke duihuade tujing 新史學 : 多學科對話的圖景 (New History: Multidisciplinary Discussion), People's University of China Press, 2003, pp. 57–71.
5 John Burrow, A History of Histories: Epics, Chronicles, Romances and Inquiries from Herodotus and Thucydides to the Twentieth Century, Huang Yuwen (黄煜文 transl.), Guangxi Normal University Press, 2012, preface, p. 7.
6 According to Zhang Shizun 張士尊 “Ming-Qing zhanzheng baofaqian manzhou renkoushuzi xiaokao 明清戰爭爆發前滿洲人口數字小考” (“A Study of the Manchu Population prior to the Ming conquest”, Anshan shifanxueyuan xuebao 鞍山師範學院學報 (Journal of Anshan Normal College), Vol. 5, 2003, pp. 1–6) argues that the Manchu population equalled fewer than 200,000 before 1644; Chen Jiahua 陳佳華 and Fu Kedong 傅克東 (“Baqijianliqian manzhouniulu he renkou chutan 八旗建立前滿洲牛錄和人口初探” “The Manchu niru and their Population before the creation of the Eight Banners System”, Zhongyangminzuxueyuan xuebao 中央民族學院學報 Journal of Minzu College of China, Vol. 1, 1981, pp. 35–46) arrive at a figure of 350,000.
7 Zheng Tianting 鄭天挺, “Qing ruguanqian manzhouzude shehuixingzhi 清入關前滿洲族的社 會性質” (“Manchu Social Nature before the Qing Armies crossed Shanhaiguan”, in idem, Qingshi tanwei 清史探微, Beijing University Press, 1999, pp. 404–433.
8 Mao Liping 毛立平, Zhao Zhen 趙珍, “Hewei ‘Qing cheng Ming zhi?' 何謂‘清承明製’” “What is the meaning of ‘The Qing received what the Ming produced’?”, 北京日報 Beijing Daily, 13 June 2005.
9 Evelyn Rawski, “Presidential Address: Reenvisioning the Qing: The Significance of the Qing Period in Chinese History”, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 55, No. 4, 1996, pp. 829–850; for opposite views, see He Bingdi 何炳棣, “In Defense of Sinicisation: A Rebuttal of Evelyn Rawski's ‘Reenvisioning the Qing’”, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 57, No. 1, 1998, pp. 123–155.
10 Pamela Crossley and Evelyn Rawski, “A Profile of the Manchu Language in Ch'ing History”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 53, no.1, 1993, pp. 63–102.
11 Li Aiyong 李爱勇, “XinQingshi yu ‘Zhonghuadiguo’ wenti: youyici chongji yu fanying? 新清史與“中華帝國”問題——又一次沖擊與反應?” (“New Qing History and Imperial China: Another Impact and Reaction?”), 史學月刊 Journal of History Science, Vol. 4, 2012, p. 111.
12 Mark Elliot, “Guanyu XinQingshi de jige wenti 關於“新清史”的幾個問題” (“Discussion on New Qing History”), in Liu Fengyun 劉鳳雲 et al. (eds.), Qingdai zhengzhi yu guojia rentong 清代政治與國家認同 (Politics and National Identity in the Qing Period), Vol. 1, Social Science Documents Press, 2012, p. 9.
13 For example, Huang Xingtao 黃興濤 reminded researchers focused on Manchu subjectivity not to go to the other extreme, deliberately neglecting and weakening the ‘Chineseness’ of the Qing as a unitary state, not to mention to simplistically oppose both. See Huang Xingtao, “Qingchao manrende ‘Zhongguo rentong’: dui Meiguo ‘XinQingshi’ de yizhong huiying 清朝滿人的 ‘中國認同’ ——對美國“新清史”的一種回應” (“Manchu-Chinese identity in the Qing: A Response to American New Qing History”), in Liu Fengyun 劉鳳雲 et al. (eds.), Qingdai zhengzhi yu guojia rentong 清代政治與國家認同 (Politics and National Identity in the Qing Period), Vol. 1, pp. 16 and 34. It is also worth noting that “Chinese” in this context often refers to a “Central Plains” identity.
14 See Joanna Waley-Cohen, “The New Qing History”, Radical History Review (winter 2004), Vol. 88, pp. 193–206.
15 See Li Aiyong 李爱勇, “XinQingshi yu ‘Zhonghuadiguo’ wenti: youyici chongji yu fanying? 新清史與“中華帝國”問題——又一次沖擊與反應?” (“New Qing History and Imperial China: Another Impact and Reaction?”), 史學月刊 Journal of History Science, Vol. 4, 2012, p. 113.
16 Mark Elliot, “Whose empire shall it be? – Manchu figurations of historical process in the early seventeenth century”, in Lynn A. Struve (ed.), Time, Temporality, and Imperial Transition: East Asia From Ming To Qing, Vol. 1, (Zhao Shiling 趙世玲 transl.), Sanlian Shudian, 2009, p. 78.
17 Roger Des Forges, “Toward another Tang or Zhou? – Views from the Central Plain in the Shunzhi reign”, in Time, Temporality, and Imperial Transition: East Asia from Ming to Qing, Vol. 1, Sanlian Shudian, p. 122.
18 Pamela Crossley, A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology, University of California Press, 1999, pp. 14–27.
19 Pamela Crossley, “Manzhou yuanliu kao and the Formalisation of the Manchu Heritage”, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 46, no. 4. Nov. 1987.
20 Sun Wenliang 孙文良 (preface), A Gui 阿桂 et al. (eds.), Manzhou Yuanliu Kao 满洲源流考, Liaoning Minzu Press, 1988, p. 6 [subsequently MYK].
21 MYK, p.10.
22 MYK, p.12.
23 Nine wrong characters can be identified in Qianlong's imperial edict, for instance Qingshi 清史 instead of Jinshi 金史, or chao 朝 mistaken for guo 國.
24 First Historical Archives, A Gui 阿桂, Yu Minzhong 于敏中 and He Shen 和珅, “奏明揀員編纂滿洲源流並請欽定書名事”, archive no. 03–1152–049.
25 Five years later, in 1782, the compilation of the MYK had still not been finished, including the description of the Liaodong domain. See First Historical Archives, He Shen 和珅, Donggao 董誥, “奏報編輯滿洲源流考事”, archive no. 03–1154–007.
26 In 1796, 20 sets of the MYK were displayed in the Maoqin Pavillion 懋勤殿 (i.e. the emperor's “library”), and another 20 sets were handed to the Grand Council. See First Historical Archives, 武英殿奏為欽定滿洲源流考刷印裝潢完竣交懋勤殿、軍機處陳設賞賜事, archive no. 03–2160–026; A Gui 阿桂, 奏為修撰滿洲源流考等書領用紙張奏銷事, archive no. 03–1627–002.
27 Meng Sen, Manzhou Mingyi Kao, in Meng Sen, Mingqing Shi Lunzhu Jikan Zhengxu Bian, 明清史論著集刊正續編 (Sequel to Compiled Essays on Ming and Qing History), Hebei Education Press, 2000, pp. 19–20.
28 Yao Dali 姚大力 and Sunjing 孙静, “‘Manzhou’ ruhe yanbian wei minzu: lun Qingzhongyeqian “Manzhou” rentongde lishi bianqian “滿洲”如何演變為民族—— 論清中葉前“滿洲”認同的歷史變遷” (“The Transformation of the Manchus into a Nation, focusing on the Historical Changes of Manchu Identity before the Mid-Qing Period”), Shehui Kexue 社會科學, Vol. 7, 2006, p. 13.
29 Meng Sen 孟森, Manzhou Mingyi Kao 滿洲名義考, in Meng Sen, Mingqing Shi Lunzhu Jikan Zhengxu Bian 明清史論著集刊正續編, p. 21.
30 MYK, Vol. 1, pp. 5–6.
31 MYK, Vol. 3, p. 22.
32 MYK, Vol. 4, p. 38.
33 MYK, Vol. 4, p. 52.
34 MYK, Vol. 7, p. 82.
35 MYK, Vol. 7, p. 86.
36 MYK, Vol. 5, p. 61.
37 MYK, Vol. 13, p. 204.
38 MYK, Vol. 13, p. 233.
39 MYK, Vol. 13, p. 204.
40 MYK, Vol. 2, p. 21.
41 MYK, Vol. 14, p. 240.
42 See Evelyn Rawski, The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions, University of California Press, 1998.
43 For a general discussion, see Zhong Han 鐘焓, “‘XinQingshi’ xuepaide zhulidian zaiyu huayu goujian “新清史”學派的著力點在於話語構建” (“Discourse Construction by New Qing His tory Scholars”), Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Bao 中國社會科學報, 6 May 2015; Wang Rongzu 汪荣祖 (ed), Qingdiguo xingzhide zaishangque: huiying xinQingshi 清帝國性質的再商榷: 回應新清史 Rethinking the nature of the Qing Empire: Responses to New Qing History, Taibei, Yuanliu Press, 2014; Yao Dali, “‘XinQingshi’ zhizheng beihou de minzuzhuyi “新清史” 之爭背後的民族主義” “The Nationalism behind New Qing History”, 東方早報 Dongfang Daily, 15 April 2015.